The February 28, 1970 Chicano Moratorium LA Is Labor Territory Since you asked about the Moratorium When I saw the riot squad, with the Nazi like helmets Conscientious Objector Aguayo Winning in Court of Public Opinion Latinos For Peace Support HR 508 U.S. Withdrawal From Iraq War Cardinal Mahoney Initiates Immigrant Rights Campaign 1970: Chicano Moratorium Ñ 2005: Latinos for Peace
The February 28, 1970 Chicano Moratorium On February 28, 1970 in downpour rain some 5000 Chicanos marched through the heart of East Los Angeles to protest the U.S. unjust war in Vietnam and the disproportionately high death rate of Chicano soldiers in the Vietnam War. It was a turning point in Chicano, U.S. and indeed world history. Chicano youth and other activists that day dedicated themselves to mobilize their community against that war. They would no longer tolerate the use of Mexican American youth as cannon fodder. The peace and the African American civil rights movements had educated most white and African American youth to reject the war. With the addition of Chicanos and other Latinos to the peace movement en masse, the Vietnam Syndrome was sealed; the American people would not tolerate a mass land war and occupation in Southeast Asia. The youth were refusing to fight it. Congress was threatening to cut off funds for the Vietnam War. The Chicano Moratorium Committee, which organized the February 28, 1970 demonstration, was co-chaired by David Sanchez national leader of the Brown Beret Organization and Rosalio Munoz former Student Body President of UCLA who had refused induction on September 16, 1969. Chicano youth from the barrios and campuses united to swell the ranks of the Chicano Moratoriums. Numerous statewide Brown Beret units marched with chapters of campus MEChA groups carrying their banners. Progressive civil rights, labor, faculty and anti-poverty leaders joined them. For perhaps the first time an independent Chicana organization, Las Adelitas de Aztlan marched under their own banner and leadership. At the rally David Sanchez and Rosalio Munoz spoke along with the outspoken charismatic civil rights lawyer Oscar Zeta Acosta, fearless Chicana Welfare Rights leader Alicia Escalante, and high school teacher Sal Castro who led the 1968 Chicano Student Walkouts in East Los Angeles. The march and rally was filmed by the Ahora Chicano television news program of Los Angeles public TV station KCET. The Chicano Moratorium Committee acquired some twenty copies of the film which it showed hundred and hundreds of times in scores and scores of barrios and campuses across the country mobilizing youth and community against the war. On March 28 1970 after viewing the film 1500 Chicanos from around the country gathered at the 2nd Chicano Youth Liberation Conference held at the famed Crusade for Justice center in Denver Colorado voted to organize Chicano Moratoriums in barrios throughout the Southwest leading up to a National Chicano Moratorium to be held August 29, 1970 in Los Angeles. Crusade leader Rodolfo ÒCorkyÓ Gonzalez the leading Chicano civil rights ÒMovimientoÓ supported the youth led moratoriums as a top priority. The Chicano peace efforts joined a massive peace movement that had held a mobilization on November 15, 1969 with 500,000 marching in Washington D.C. and 250,000 in San Francisco. The Nixon Administration responded by expanding the air war in Southeast Asia and fatal attacks on the peace civil rights movements and progressive media at Kent State on May 4, 1970, Jackson State on May 14, and on the National Chicano Moratorium August 29, 1970 when top Chicano journalist Ruben Salazar was ÒaccidentallyÓ killed by a deputy sheriff. Issued by the 40th Anniversary Commemoration Committee of the Chicano Moratoriums: email chicano.moratorium@gmail.com , tel. 323-229-1994, website chicanomoratorium.org
LA Is Labor Territory LOS ANGELES Ñ Next year labor contracts covering some 350,000 union members in 30 union locals in Los Angeles County will expire, while tens of thousands more are organizing for first contracts. The areaÕs labor movement is also its single most influential political force. In 2008 over 10 million county residents comprise 13 full Congressional Districts and parts of others. They can be decisive in determining the stateÕs presidential electoral vote, and the balance of power in the legislature of the nationÕs largest state. ÒIn 2008 when it comes to contract fights, organizing and politics, L.A.Õs workers are combining their resources in a single Fight for Good Jobs,Ó Maria Elena Durazo, executive secretary-treasurer of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, declared Dec. 3 as she opened its historic 2nd Delegates Congress. The Congress included hundreds of key activists beyond its official federation delegates. Over 1,000 union members from work sites and retiree groups, representing over 300 union locals, attended the Congress to unite on a common agenda. They roared their unanimous approval for the focus on Ògood jobs.Ó In keynoting the Congress, Durazo spelled out what is meant by good jobs. ÒWorking people are sick and tired of hearing politicians boast about all the jobs they create,Ó she said. ÒThe working poor who are trying to organize know all about jobs. The jobs are so lousy they need two or three of them just to pay the bills. Creating jobs isnÕt the solution. The solution is creating good jobs.Ó Durazo pointed out that a Òbare bonesÓ budget for a single person in Los Angeles requires spending $843 a month on housing, $211 on food and $233 on health care with a $28,000 yearly income. She took on L.A. media who criticized city water and power workers making $76,000 a year: ÒWe should be proud the workers are earning $76,000 a year, a salary that allows them to raise their families and give back to the community. That is the standard we need to set and replicate in other jobs and industriesÉ(what) ordinary workers need to live and survive in L.A. today.Ó Longshore workers, security guards, hotel workers, professors, firefighters, home healthcare workers, building trades, janitors and many others addressed the Congress, spelling out their issues, their need for support and their solidarity with their union sisters and brothers. The delegates approved a platform for the Fight for Good Jobs campaign. A 28 mile mass march is planned next spring through the heart of the county from Hollywood, where entertainment industry contracts are on the line, to the LA/Long Beach port where workers handle 40 percent of the nationÕs imports, the longshore workersÕ contract is up and port drivers are organizing. Along the way the union marchers will address communities on key electoral races like the open District 2 County Supervisor race in South Los Angeles, whose winner will vote on the contracts of scores of thousands of government workers. A resolution was passed to establish a countywide solidarity committee of all unions wanting to help coordinate resources and to join negotiating committees where asked. The County Supervisor District 2 race was made a priority. The delegates approved support for L.A. City Proposition S, a telephone usersÕ tax to fund city services, and opposition to the stateÕs ÒBig 4Ó Indian gambling deals. Durazo drew rousing cheers as she addressed national labor concerns. ÒL.A. Labor must, and will, do its part to end this wasteful and futile war in Iraq. L.A. Labor must, and will, help enact rational and humane immigration reform. L.A. Labor must, and will, help America elect a new President of the United States!Ó Just before dusk, after the Congress adjourned, hundreds of delegates marched in support of SEIUÕs SOULA campaign organizing security guards. Boisterous chants swelled as marchers passed the offices of high rise real estate corporations: ÒOne, Two, Three, Four, there should be no working poor,Ó and ÒWe tell the story, this is union territory!Ó
Since you asked about the Moratorium: Javier, Since you asked about the Moratorium, not altogether rhetorically I think, I'll try to speak to your question in the spirit of background for the tasks ahead in the struggle for immigrant rights and if I don't get too tangled some thoughts on class and democratic struggles In dialectics, materialist dialectics there is a law of negation of negation, that developmental and historical trends repeat themselves on higher, newer, more complex forms, Lenin saw it in a growing spiral with dips and squiggles, zigs and zags, but generally a growing spiral moving forward. What is here is my thinking tonight; I send it with carino and sincerity. My friend Ramses and I were involved in the movement at UCLA and he with the UFW; we were close friends seriously thinking about how to be part of the movimiento. We both could be drafted at some point, I remember a conversation where we mused that the Chicano movement needed something like a Muhammad Ali to dramatize opposition to the draft and war for Chicanos. We had no idea who or how really, didn't see ourselves in that role. We were also concerned that all the arrests and conspiracy trials were wearing down activists we knew, stunting growth to some extent. I knew I wanted to take a moral stand against the draft, but more as a court case media phenomena, not a mobilizing organizing project. I kind of thought my personal way could add to how the movement could relate to the war issue, but not leading it. I was a middle class would be intellectual with poor Spanish and didn't see myself as a Chicano leader but as a person with some abilities to add to the movement. Then I get drafted for September 16, 1969. It was like a manta. I had to do something and wanted do it for the movement. Within hours really, thoughts came together, the Chicano movement could be a vehicle to raise the consciousness of La Raza about the institutional racism behind our high death rate and a trial. A mobilizing, organization approach would be needed. The September 16 draft date for me was an occasion that could spark something like this. My friend Ramses had much more contact, experience and grasp grass roots Raza organizing, I asked him to help and he decided to! The idea was to contact key movimiento organizers and leaders about our idea for input, but basically we were set for a public draft refusal. We envisioned it as building the anti draft anti war component of the movimiento aimed at speaking to all the gente. We did the refusal, began reaching out to more contacts to move together as my legal case developed. The anti draft move, challenging the system in court had a good but limited impact. Here I and other resistors, not passive, said here take us to court we will fight you there and go to jail to change the law and peoples attitudes. It helped dispel some of the chilling effect of the conspiracy trials; it linked us to other anti draft anti war stuff, estilo Chicano. n. Actually the government. Started using tactics to delay and divert from my case, but thatÕs another story. But not everyone was going to refuse induction, and the voluntary signups court referrals and continued. We kept reaching out and had contacts all around the country. We went to the big west coast mobilizations where other groups were covered not us. The need for action in our own barrios was needed. The Brown berets in ELA talked with Ramses about joining in calling for an East LA anti war rally called a Chicano Moratorium. We joined into that helping for a broader coalition, we had national meetings of activist to begin planning. It grew. The focus moved from the draft to the war as a whole, there from came more movement including against the draft. The key points I were that this would be consciousness raising, to use a term we didn't use then, an ideological effort, collaborative with the movimiento, (Corky, Cesar, Bert, Guzman, Tony Rios, Risco and Razo, the Mechas, Sophie Mendoza was the only woman we approached who responded, and key left activists (not parties). We reached out to key groups, unions, the Congress of Mexican American Union, Maldef, SW Council of La Raza, UAW, Longshore, UE, and others in labor and got good responses. . It worked. Consciousness was raised, to this day Raza participation in the military is less than proportional, there are various factor, but with the generations here then and their offspring the Vietnam Syndrome persists. The strength was in Califas, but it had national ramifications. It fit the times, in part by design but also from sincerity and flexibility open to community involvement and ideas, drawing on the examples of the boycott, walkouts etc, non-sectarian. Not seeking hegemony. None of the activists made money on it, or abused it except in small venal ways. I am the best known, the politician of the group. The times changed, we tried to move with others in a more organized political way (La Raza Unida and anti police brutality) but we didn't find the best forms. We didn't give in to the pressure we fought it as best we could, people peeled off as the heat hit, but this was over political direction too, a new consensus was not there for new tactics that weren't so adequate. I think the principled nature of our efforts; our adherence to unity, non-sectarian, and not selling out has kept the integrity of the legacy (where I don't necessarily include or exclude the present moratorium group). On the present situationÑI think your project over states its mission and potential, its good to stretch. But overreaching creates bigger and bigger problems. There is the vision of mass immigrant movement for democratic change that can build towards greater change, coalition etc. This is right on, yes it scares many disturbs others, is risky for others. The system wands to limit, defuse it, etc. This happens in the struggle for all reforms, revolutionaries, progressives, principled liberals, and even stranger more conservative temporary allies engage in democratic struggles focused on reforms, these struggles zig and zag, carrot and stick y todo el pedo, but the progressive transformative, revolutionary movements grow in the long term of such stuff. You close out too many options, too many potential allies of all levels I think, the people will sense this and similar narrowness in other trends where may will get in motion for different slogans many for several at a time, others will watch and see, some for fear, others for lack of confidence. Now I think you need to remember the origins of the March 25th demonstration. It came out of the La Placita working group where there were a variety of forces. It found a vacuum outside of the ongoing organized and active immigration reform movement, which was pushing for Kennedy McCain. These groupings were significant and still are, they did rise up a big and impressive fight versus 4437 from Early December 05. But they were limited, too compromised too soon, and thus there was a vacuum the placita group filled, similar things were happening in Chicago I imagine. I had talked to Angelea Sambrano a couple days after the bill was printed about the need for mass action, I talked to Maria Elena, Antonio, the Chirla Folks, Sambrano was open to it and Chirla was game only for limited approaches in conjunction with the comprehensive Kennedy McCain actions. The others had no response on it, at least with me. Father Estrada was game with acceptance by the parish. You, Jesse, Gloria, Alvaro, others and myself were able to work together for a very active period. We got a lot of coverage, a variety of forces, Chirla and company were active separately but we crossed over, we got a good amount of coverage with few but diverse folk. It helped the issue pegar bien al pueblo seeing a multifaceted movement in motion with a grass root but organizational approach. When you and Jesse pushed for a big LA March, others myself included wanted to seek more allies first, and when the Riverside conference we called for a mass action. I was the legislation oriented person and moved for the demo to be March 25 to impact on Firsts March 27 deadline for the Senate. Then when there was the orchestrated attempt to divert and co-opt to the Cesar Chavez March 26 thing it was a close vote but we won, and Angela, Father Estrada and others though losing out moved ahead with the march. I had to pull back a bit; immigration isn't the only issue on my work agenda I don't really want to build myself up, you and Jesse and the others, all the others, carried through, more important the people responded, and responded to all kinds of slogans. To cut to the chase, the genie got out of the bottle. The momentum can go up and down, it cannot be engineered totally from the top down, it can be mobilized to many projects from top, middle and bottom and is. Raising the level of struggle another notch takes study, consideration, and the humility for sober and comprehensiveness for as correct assessment as possible and bold consistent and multifaceted action, Unity, Unity is needed to draw in masses. . Its true, that MAY 1 06 could not be stopped. But what of June, July and August etc. It was not all the We Are America and backing off of media, things stopped for the Mexican Elections and the World Cup --- jav rodhdz <jrodhdztf@hotmail.com> wrote: --------------------------------- Rosalio What do you recall about the initiating moments that led us to the National Chicano Moratorium August 29, 1970. I'm referring to the vision, the first thoughts about your move to defy the government and the armed forces, the picket at the recruiting station on Broadway, I was there, then the brilliant call for August 29. Those were defining moments of a vision or visions, and then of course implementing them, garnering forces, coalescing, traveling and guiding the path to reach higher planes of unity, the objectives, the goalsÐAll in the context of present and future rising contradictions, primary and secondary ones. The tougher situation is here. The campaign of terror is on. It is part of their plan to control the population, further militarize society, create havoc, destabilize the movement, destroy it or place it under trusteeship in the hands of the colonial liberal Latino establishment. The politicians, the brokers, the government and corporate funded NGOs, the labor bureaucracy, the clerical hierarchy, the media, all those, with exceptions, that attempted and sabotaged the building of March 25, the historical and largest street demonstration, 1.7 million digitally counted, in the history of the immigrant rights movement and the nation. The battle to build May 1, The Great American Boycott, was clearly more difficult. Their alliances reach the higher levels of power, from the Mayor, the Governor, the Bishops and the President. I can surmise, each sector had its own particular objective to stop the massive wave of the movement and the building of a more progressive, left oriented leadership. Along with the state apparatus, they threw their best shots at us. Unsuccessfully. March 25, May 1, 2006 and 2007 were envisioned, planned and guided, with a string budgetÐAll, inside the entrails of the monster, the empire, as Marti so poetically articulated it. " He estado en el monstruo y conozco sus entranas y mi onda es la de David" All the forces will be in Atlanta, . They are everywhere, including Los Angeles, us, the political trends, the temporary and long-term tactical alliances, etc. Respectfully, Javier June 23, 2007
When I saw the riot squad, with the Nazi like helmets When I saw the riot squad, with the Nazi like helmets, show up at the park, on the northwest fare end of park, it reminded me of August 29, 1970 at Laguna Park, actually several other events. This was an hour or so or so and a quarter mile away from where and when the incident started. It also was a few hundred yards a far up above and out of sight and sound of where the program was starting below in the soccer field below. They just set themselves up on the rim of the park and just stayed there. So I made little of it and proceeded down to check out the program. . I was tired after my second march that day, I watched the program for an hour, chatted with friends, gave out some literature, talked to Gil Cedillo. Then I left up the west end of the park to get in my car and go to a May Day celebration. The event was winding down. The August 29 deja vu feeling had gone. At the event about an hour later people told me they had seen reports of the police attack, the deja vu came back. This was a highly important political event; the cardinal and head of the labor movement had spoken. The momentum of the peopleÕs movement was building. The cops attacked the people and newspersons were beaten. This was a political attack on the movement, not just Latinos, the whole growing movement against the war, civil liberties, this was the day the president vetoed a congressional movement to limit his war powers. This was in the Los Angeles and national traditions of political repression, like the lynching of Mejicanos in the 1850's, of Chinese in the 1870's, the red squad of police leader Red Hines, the more modern attacks on the Chicano Moratoriums of August 29 1970, Sept 16,1970, January 9, 1971, Jan 31 1971. There was the 1967 Century City attack on the peace movement as a whole, the 1990 Century attack on the labor movement Justice for Janitor march. I think Bratton is in the tradition of Red Hines, Chiefs Parker, Davis and Gates as well as Sheriff Pete Pitches. Only Bratton is a globo-cop, an international expert on anti terrorism. Some people may say this is conspiracy theory; well many are victims of many repressive conspiracies. I am not surprised Bratton is conducting investigations, in large part he can exclude himself from investigation, his official, unofficial and underground contacts with DHS, FBI, NSC, and others. Don't forget Chief Gates was a campaign poster boy for papa Bush. Over the years my thinking on the Chicano Moratorium on this score is that the attack on the demonstration and targeting of Ruben Salazar on August 29 was federally approved and coordinated. It followed in the wake of the attacks of Kent State and Jackson State earlier in the year. One of the weaknesses we had back then was relative isolation, Many people nationwide remember Kent State, less but many remember Jackson State, Laguna Park and the Silver Dollar is little known outside of the Southwest. We need to investigate and also call for a Congressional investigation with Judiciary Committee members like Linda Sanchez, Maxine Waters, and Howard Berman playing a role and John Conyers. This attack is deja vu of August 29, but also deja vu of Cointelpro. The peace and other movement are challenging the most reactionary sectors of the elite, even or especially los mas de abajo los immigrantes are on the march too, so the system strikes back. If we don't fight to stop it at Macarthur Park (an appropriate name), the national repression polices of Cointelpro will return.
Conscientious Objector Aguayo Winning in Court of Public Opinion. By Rosalio Munoz, coordinator, Latinos For Peace (tel 323-334-7530, ) latinosforpeace07@sbcglobal.net New Analysis/Commentary The March 6 military court conviction of pacifist antiwar soldier Agustin Aguayo was reversed in the court of public opinion as Amnesty International officially recognized him as a Òprisoner of conscienceÓ, and a battery of progressive attorneys progressive seek to reverse the US Armies denial of conscientious objector status to Aguayo in federal courts. AguayoÕs and his families three year struggle to win government and public recognition of his pacifist beliefs and conscientious objection to the war has won support from world and US peace groups, much of the US Latino community, and the government of Mexico. It is a compelling story. U.S. Representative Diane Watson (D-CA) has inquired into his well being in confinement. . Aguayo, 35, is a naturalized US citizen born in Mexico and raised in Los Angeles California, enlisted in the army in late 2002 before the Iraq war was launched. Thirty years old, he was married with two young daughters he was working the night shift at a Home Depot and sought to train and work in the medical corps to meaningfully serve his country and develop a new career. The recruiter told them there was little danger of combat duty that he had served in ÒDesert Storm playing cardsÓ. ÒWe were not political then and had no idea a war was imminent, I had to tell Augie our country was at war while he was in basic trainingÓ says his wife Helga, a naturalized US citizen born in Guatemala. Though trained as a medic he was assigned to infantry duty on arrival at a US base in Germany. During infantry training in Germany to kill he developed psychological and then moral qualms about killing, which developed into pacifist convictions. Peace movement information made him aware of the option of conscientious objection and he applied for such status before being deployed to Iraq. While in Iraq he performed both medic and infantry duty. On patrol he would not put ammunition in his weapons. His pacifist conviction deepened at the death and brutality, moral and psychological abuse suffered by Iraqis and US soldiers. His pacifist principals extended to political opposition to the war. His application for conscientious objection was rejection despite several positive recommendations. Redeployed back to Germany where his wife and children were stationed he pursued administrative and then federal court appeals for conscientious objection status. In the summer of 2006 his unitÕs term of service was extended and orders came for a second deployment. Aguayo informed his superiors he would refuse to go. When his unit departed September 1 Aguayo absented himself from the base. He returned the next day September 2 saying he would go to jail rather than directly or indirectly support killing in Iraq. ÒThey told Augie they did not want a Ôdomino effectÕ on other soldiers and they would take him to Iraq whether he consented or not, in Ôhandcuffs and shacklesÕ Ó, related Helga Aguayo to a February 26 meeting of Latinos For Peace in Los Angles. They also offered him a promotion to sergeant and non-combat duty if he went on his own said Helga. Guards brought Agustin to their dwelling to gather his gear Òand I could not stop from sobbing, at first I was shocked thinking he was going willingly, but looking in his eyes he did not want to go. I noticed the guardÕs eyes were to the ground and let myself sob louder, Aggie excused himself to get more gear in another room. He went and left out of the rear window,Ó said Helga to the Latinos For Peace meeting. Agustin sought help from the Mexican Embassy and was assisted to travel to Mexico from whence he returned to Los Angeles resurfacing at a press conference on September 26 at the LA Placita Catholic Church, where he announced he would hand himself over to army custody to face court martial and pursue his appeals in federal court. He turned himself into at Fort Irwin near Barstow California that day. The same guards from whom he escaped were sent to return him to the base in Germany, which they did putting him in handcuffs and shackles. Since then his wife Helga Aguayo and two daughters, and his mother Susana Aguayo have spoken at peace and community events to raise funds for the legal defense for the court martial and continuing federal appeals. ÒWe were quiet before, trusting that Augie's sincerity would be recognized, we will be quiet no more about the justice of AugieÕs case and the injustice of this warÓ says Helga Aguayo. Army Colonel R. Peter Masterson, the judge in the March 6 court martial held in Wurzburg Germany sentenced Augustin Aguayo to eight months (180 days) confinement, forfeiture of all pay, demotion to private and a bad conduct discharge. Aguayo had already served 161 days says the army. Meanwhile AguayoÕs attorneys in the federal appeal are preparing to go back into court later this month says lead Attorney Peter Goldberger. In February a three-judge panel of the Washington DC federal appeals court denied Aguayo's habeas corpus appeal for recognition of conscientious objector status. Two of the judges were part of a recent decision denying habeas corpus rights to detainees in Guantanamo federal deployment. The next step is to go to full appeals court. Helga Aguayo told Latinos for Peace that the he family has decided to continue to the Supreme Court if necessary. For further information on the case see aguayodefense.org RETURN
Latinos For Peace Support HR 508 Ending the U.S. occupation of Iraq and bringing our troops home is foremost in the minds of the American people. LatinosÕ opposition to the war is very strong. A December Pew Hispanic Center poll found 66% of Latinos wanted troops withdrawn as soon as possible compared with only 19% wanting troops to stay.Ó Among Latino working poor 75% want the troops brought home ASAP, and the numbers are growing with each move to escalate our troop levels by the Bush administration. It is time for Latino political leaders to represent our anti war sentiment proactively. Almost all of the Latino Democrats in Congress have criticized the escalation of the war and called for some form of withdrawal. Only one, Rep. Raul Grijalva (AZ), is cosponsoring HR 508 the most comprehensive peace bill/ HR 508 submitted by the leaders of the Progressive Caucus and the Out of Iraq Caucus Barbara Lee, Lynn Woolsey and Maxine Waters. HR 508 would: use already allocated funds to start an orderly withdrawal instead of deployment, stop further funds for deployment, rescind authorization for use of force, provide economic and humanitarian aid to a sovereign Iraq, help train Iraqi security forces and support international stabilization efforts, fully fund veterans health care benefits, prohibit permanent US bases in Iraq with no long term control of Iraqi oil by the US. Today there are 27 representatives cosponsoring HR 508 along with its author Lynn Woolsey. They are Reps Robert Brady, Corinne Brown, Julia Carson, Wm. Lacy Clay, Steve Cohen, John Conyers, Danny Davis, Keith Ellison, Sam Farr, Chaka Fattah, Bob Filner, Barney Frank, Raul Grijalva, Maurice Hinchey, Sheila Jackson-Lee, Dennis Kucinich, Barbara Lee, John Lewis, David Loebsack, James McGovern, Jerrold Nadler, Janice Schakowsky, Fortney Pete Stark, Maxine Waters, Diane Watson. We need to all join in adding to this list. We Latinos should join in urging all of Congress to sign onto HR 508, and especially our Latino representatives. It is not hard to do this. YOU CAN CALL YOUR REPRESENTATIVE AND OTHERS TOLL FREE at the capitol switchboard at 866-340-9281. Ask for the congressperson you want to speak to by name. Latino members include Reps Joe Baca CA, Xavier Becerra CA, Henry Cuellar TX, Charles Gonzalez TX, Raul Grijalva AZ, Luis Gutierrez IL, Ruben Hinojosa TX, Grace Napolitano CA, Solomon Ortiz TX, Ed Pastor AZ, Silvestre Reyes TX, Ciro Rodriguez TX, John Salazar CO, Linda Sanchez CA, Loretta Sanchez CA, Jose Serrano NY, Albio Sires NJ, Hilda Solis CA, Nydia Velazqez NY. Please let us know by email the responses that you get Latinos For Peace, Rosalio Munoz coordinator at rosalio_Munoz@sbcglobal.net RETURN
The final approved version of resolutions passed at the National Latino Congreso can be found at latinocongreso.org and click link to Proposed Resolutions. Here is the one passed on the Iraq War. Rosalio Resolution 4.1 Passed by the National Latino Congreso
Saturday, September 9th, 2006
Author: Rosalio Munoz
Organization: Latinos for Peace
Email: rosalio_munoz@sbcglobal.net
Phone: (323) 334-7530 Title: U.S. Withdrawal From Iraq War Whereas the Bush administration used the 9/11 attacks as the occasion for establishing the policies of preemptive war and regime change prioritizing military over diplomatic approaches to foreign policy. On these bases the invasion and occupation of Iraq with the stated aim of finding and destroying weapons of mass destruction that could be used against the US people, Whereas no such weapons of mass destruction were found in Iraq nor has there been any evidence of plans to provide such weapons to terrorist groups, Whereas the invasion and occupation of Iraq, which has killed thousands of innocent civilians, has not stabilized but rather destabilized and increased conflict in Iraq and the Middle East region and the Bush administration is considering escalating such policies with aggression against Iran, Whereas growing majorities of the U.S. people, including 70 percent of Latinos are calling for withdrawal of US troops from Iraq, Whereas 2,677 US military personnel had been killed in action in Iraq by August 29, 2006 with 19,609 injured by August 24, 2006, with the brunt being suffered by youth from low-income and minority communities, Whereas over $300 billion have been spent on the Iraq war, resulting in massive cuts in domestic spending in education, health care, infrastructure, aid to state and local governments. These funds could have provided health insurance for all the children in the country, or hired 5 million public school teachers or provided 15 million four-year scholarships to public universities, Whereas the burden of these cuts have fallen hardest on services and protection for poor and minority communities as Hurricane Katrina disaster has exposed. Census reports show that Latino per capita income in 2005 was $14,483 compared to $25,036 overall with 29.2 % of Latinos living in poverty compared to 21.1 overall, and with 32.7% of Latinos were without health coverage compared to 15.9 overall. The 2000 census had only 10.6% of Latinos completing a bachelorÕs degree compared to 18.1 overall, Whereas military recruitment standards and policies have been designed to increase Latino presence in the armed forces while educational and job opportunities decrease. The Latino casualty rate is over 11% while Latinos make up only 7% of full time federal employees, Whereas schools and other public institutions have limited the access of peace and counter-recruitment workers to present alternatives to war, violence and the military, Whereas the militarization of foreign policy has been accompanied by steps that militarize domestic policy in the name of homeland security with restrictions on civil rights and liberties and illegal and unwarranted invasions of privacy. We can not achieve justice at home, without linking it with ending a foreign policy based on war. Immigration policy has been projected as a national security problem with greater militarization of the border including deployment of the National Guard and the offering of border control funds for contracts to military corporations like Lockheed Martin Corp, Boeing Co., Northrop Grumman Co., and Raytheon Co. as well as Halliburton Corp, Whereas stockpiling, storage and production of nuclear arms harms the world and contaminates our communities, Whereas the reduction in funds for jobs, housing, healthcare, education, has resulted in greater scapegoating of immigrants. The scape-goating of Arabs and Muslims used for the war has also increased racial and ethnic stereotyping and bias in general including immigrants, Latinos and other people of color, despite the fact that immigrants have always made a huge contribution to the country and itÕs culture, Whereas we pray for and humbly support and honor the dedication of U.S. military forces who were wounded in action, and those who paid the ultimate price of sacrificing their lives like Fernando Suarez del Solaris, U.S. marine, who died on March 27, 2003, fighting in the U.S. Iraq war. We oppose the recruitment of Latino youth, and other youth, to serve and fight in the unjust U.S. wars Therefore be it resolved that the National Latino Congreso calls on the Administration and Congress: 1. To take immediate action to withdraw US troops from Iraq and to end cuts in funding for veterans programs. Such action would include support for the various bills now before Congress that call for withdrawal from Iraq that the leadership has kept from debate and vote. And that the funds used for the war be redirected for the restoration of social programs, infrastructure, and aid to cities and states with a priority for lower income communities, and take care of our troops when they come home, as well as for the restoration to Iraq. 2. Be it further resolved that the National Latino Congreso calls for our national government to prioritize greater democracy and economic justice as the basis for improving homeland security. The militarization of our youth by armed service recruitment polices that target low income and minority youth must be ended. Military sponsored programs such as Junior Reserved Officer Training Corps (JROTC) and Cadets must be removed from schools serving low-income students and replaced with college preparatory, science, humanities and job skills courses. Constitutional free speech and equal access rights for peace and counter-recruitment workers be enforced and that the presence of military recruiters and personnel be limited to the letter of the federal law No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Section 9528. Policies that militarize the border must be rescinded and replaced with enforcement of immigration policies with full due process rights. 3. Be it finally resolved that the organizations participating in the National Latino Congreso will become proactive and oriented towards activities that generate legislative action and voter registration, education, and other efforts toward the above stated ends. Therefore be it resolved that the National Latino Congreso calls on Latino officials to speak out more forcefully against the war and take leadership promoting legislation to bring the troops home. That our organizations, leaders, and communities will work together in coalition with peace, civil rights, religious, labor, business, environmental and other civic groups to change the direction of our country away from militarization and towards a U.S. foreign policy based on diplomacy and peace. RETURN
Cardinal Mahoney Initiates Immigrant Rights Campaign
(Los Angeles) Ò2006 will be a great year of struggle for the rights and dignity of immigrantsÉand the Church is going to step forward front and centerÓ mobilizing its base and joining in coalition with others Òto Òinfluence those who write and vote on the lawsÓ emphasized Roman Catholic Cardinal Roger Mahoney in his sermon to a special mass on January 14th celebrating National Migrants Week. Speaking in the cathedral of the Los Angeles Archdiocese he heads, Mahoney referred to HR 4437, passed by the House of Representatives on December 17th as part of Òa new assault on immigrantsÉa very malicious bill that imposes restrictions and penalties on immigrants and not just on immigrants (but also) those who offer them any kind of service.Ó HR 4437, titled the Border Protection, Antiterrorism and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005, was introduced Dec 6 authored by Rep. James Sensenbrenner R-WI) and Peter King (R-CA) the respective chairs of the House Judiciary and Homeland Security, it was rushed through committee by the Republican House leadership for a floor vote on Dec. 17th. The White House issued a Statement of Administration Policy, ÒstronglyÓ supporting its passage in the House. Among its key provisions include: changing undocumented presence in the U.S. from a civil to a felony offense, broadly expanding the definition of smuggling immigrants to include the provision of services to the undocumented, eliminating many due process rights for documented and undocumented, involving state and local police in enforcement of immigration laws, erecting 700 miles of a wall along the border with Mexico and add many new military surveillance systems for border patrol. Cardinal Mahoney announced that Òthe Catholic Church and many other organizations and immigrants rights advocatesÉare banding together to protect the rights of all Éto see that it (HR4437) does not go beyond the Senate,Ó and that the Senate would be urged to pass measures to increase legalization rights for immigrants. The Senate is expected to take up immigration issues in February, possible as early as February 2nd. The United States Catholic Conference of Bishops is participating in the Coalition for Comprehensive Immigration Reform, which includes hundred of labor, civil rights, faith, community and business groups, that has opposes HR 4437 and supports legislation that would provide legalization of undocumented workers. In May of 2005 the Bishops established and official campaign, Justice for Immigrants, to educate and mobilize its constituencies and the general public regarding the rights of immigrants rights and legislative reform. ÒWe are going to need all of you in thisÓ told the congregants at the CathedralÕs at the special Migrants Week mass said Mahoney initiating the Conference of Bishops Ô national Justice For Immigration campaign in the Los Angeles Archdiocese. He added, ÒWe have to influence those who write and vote on the laws.Ó The hundreds of congregants were in majority immigrants and their families from virtually all the racial and ethnic communities from every part of the globe. Many were dressed in splendorous ethnic costume. Ritual elements of the mass were carried out in ethnic traditions and the languages of many of the groupsÕ. Symbolic, scriptural, and theological messages emphasized the importance of justice for migrants for social, economic, and spiritual justice and unity of for all humanity. The event opened with a blessing of the altar by indigenous communicants from the North, Central and South America that was led by Cristina Ramirez of the Tongva tribe indigenous to the Los Angeles area, who told the colorful and diverse congregation Òwe welcome you as we have welcomed many others for many generationsÓ. This was followed by a procession led by of scores of laity proudly and solemnly carrying white crosses with the names of their countries up the cathedrals center aisle. The first reading was from a Catholic version of Exodus chapter 23; verses 1-9, where Moses and his people are instructed by their god on basic ethical principals including Òyou shall not spread a false reportÉ not follow a majority in wrongdoingÉ not pervert the justice due to your poorÉ not oppress a resident alien: you know the heart of an alien for you were aliens in the land of Egypt.Ó The second reading was from Acts chapter 2 verses 1-13 about the Christian Pentecost in the 1st century AD where congregants from many regions were reported to be spiritually led to speak and understand in many language. The third reading was from Mathew chapter 2 verses 1-13 which reports that JesusÕ father Joseph took the family to Egypt to avoid King HerodÕs repression and that after HerodÕs death settled in Nazareth rather than Bethlehem where Joseph feared repression. Cardinal Mahoney drew on these readings to emphasize that the struggle for justice for immigrants has lasted Òfrom Exodus to our timesÓ as part of the spiritual values of Òjustice and equality for every human...an end to divisions... and a society based on love and peace.Ó In the ritual responsive prayer different openings were presented in Thai, Filipino, Chinese, Indonesian, Arabic, Italian, Lithuanian, Anglo and Korean with the response in Spanish and English. Among the entreaties were for the church to Òbecome ever more appreciative of its diversityÓ and to welcome those who are considered strangers. Also called for was an Òend to the violence and poverty that displaces so many people from their homes and homelandsÓ, that ÒleadersÉimplement policies that allow for safe migration, just migrant working conditions and an end to the detention of asylum seekers while protecting our national safetyÓ, and also Òthat the United States of America may continue to be welcoming to those who seek freedom, peace and justice.Ó RETURN
1970: Chicano Moratorium Ñ 2005: Latinos for Peace
Author: Rosalio Mu–oz Thirty-five years ago, on Aug. 29, 1970, some 25,000-30,000 people, mostly Mexican Americans, marched through the heart of the East Los Angeles barrios protesting the war in Vietnam. It was the largest Mexican American political demonstration ever until Cesar ChavezÕs funeral in 1993. It was a time when young working-class Chicanos and Latinos were beginning to refuse to go to Vietnam, and those on the front lines, along with African American and white soldiers, began to resist the PentagonÕs orders. La Raza did its part in bringing an end to that war. It was a grassroots, community-based effort that drew from the working-class barrios across the country: from San Diego to ChicagoÕs Pilsen community, Seattle, San Antonio, Denver, El PasoÕs Segundo barrio. Puerto Rican Young Lords from New York raised the Puerto Rican flag over the East L.A. park where people gathered that 1970 summer day. New Mexico Hispanos with over 10 generations on the land were there, as well as undocumented immigrants who had recently crossed over at Tijuana. Lots of grandmothers, mamas and children sat on the grass with veterans of World War II, Korea, Vietnam and lesser-known ÒexcursionsÓ into Latin America and Laos. The demonstration was broken up by the police. In the upheaval that followed, three Chicanos were killed, including the foremost Mexican American journalist Ruben Salazar. The police and press said SalazarÕs killing was accidental, and called the upheaval a riot by the protesters. The people called it a police riot and said the shooting of Salazar was no accident. Earlier in the year government forces had shot down protesting students at Kent State and Jackson State. The mass peace demonstrations were not as large after such attacks, but the movement continued. A few years later the draft closed down, Nixon was impeached, and the war was ended. The ÒVietnam syndromeÓ set in Ñ the American public was no longer willing to tolerate wars with sizable losses of U.S. lives. After a generation passed, the Òmasters of warÓ began testing the durability of the Vietnam syndrome. They used the 9/11 attack, unprecedented lies, and promises of a ÒsmartÓ war with minimal losses to win some support for the attack on Iraq in 2003. The quagmire of the occupation, however, with its human and monetary losses, has brought back the Vietnam syndrome. ItÕs a 21st century syndrome now. The peopleÕs movements have gotten ÒsmartÓ too, with listservs, blogs and e-mail blasts. ItÕs a globalized peace movement, and lies have no place to hide for long. The basis of the syndrome is the same, however: majority antiwar sentiment at the grass roots. The peace train is passing through middle America. People are getting on at Main Street and at Martin Luther King and Cesar Chavez boulevards. On Aug. 16, they got on board at 1,600 peace vigils across the nation in solidarity with Cindy Sheehan. The grass roots want our troops out of Iraq ASAP. Now the task is to go into the neighborhoods, the suburbs and inner cities, to factories, office buildings and farmlands, and mobilize the growing majority peace sentiment into meaningful political action. For middle-aged boomers like me it is an opportunity to build on and move forward from the great peace movements of our youth. Today the peace movement cannot be marginalized. ItÕs too mainstream. ItÕs whatÕs going on. Some of us peace activists of the Chicano Moratorium era are coming together with other Latino activists we have come to know around the country and with the newer generations and immigrants. We call ourselves Latinos For Peace. We have launched an open letter/petition drive. We started with e-mails among friends. Now, names are coming in from all across the country. Hilda Reyes Jensen, a 16-year-old Brown Beret who helped organize the first Chicano Moratorium against the Vietnam War in 1969, has sent in the names of six Latinos in Alabama. Sijisfredo Aviles, a Puerto Rican draft resister in the Õ60s, is sending in names from Chicago. Ernesto Vigil of Denver, one of the first Chicano draft resisters in 1967, is getting together names in Colorado. Elizabeth Betita Martinez, who wrote antiwar stories in the New Mexico Chicano newspaper El Grito del Norte in the Õ60s, is getting together people in the San Francisco Bay Area. Jorge Mariscal, a Vietnam veteran turned University of California at San Diego Latino studies professor and counter-recruitment activist, is getting faculty and students on board. Margarita Alvarez, a Guatemalan immigrant rights and peace activist from Garland, Texas, has signed on. She plans to go to the Sept. 24 antiwar demonstration in Washington, D.C. We want to have some 10,000 Latino names on our open letter for her and others to present to the Hispanic Congressional Caucus and other representatives. ItÕs an ambitious plan, but we are inspired by Cindy Sheehan, Maxine Waters, our own Fernando Suarez de Solar and so many others. We know that together we all can help Bring Our Troops Home! Check out our web site, www.0101aztlan.net/latinosforpeace.html. Si se puede! Rosal’o Mu–oz (rosalio_munoz @ sbcglobal.net) was chair of the Aug. 29, 1970, National Chicano Moratorium. He is a co-founder of Latinos for Peace. (TOP) |